The Day After in Gaza: A Necessary and Complex Discussion

By Luis Fleischman
Photo by Mohammed Abubak

The Biden administration is putting pressure on the Israeli government to move in the direction of accepting the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza under the control of a revitalized Palestinian Authority (PA).

There is no question that the multiple unfinished wars between Israel and Hamas, plus the multiple terrorist attempts coming from the West Bank, have led to the conclusion that only a strong, legitimate, and peace-oriented authority over these territories is the way to restore tranquility to the region.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been ambiguous and has sometimes rejected the idea of a Palestinian state. Some critics argue that Netanyahu wishes to extend the war to avoid elections. Others claim that he has given in to pressure from the most extreme coalition partners to secure the stability of a government that guarantees his hold on power. Some even argue that that Netanyahu has purposedly strengthened Hamas to weaken the PA. 

Yet, whatever Mr.  Netanyahu’s faults might be, there is a far more complex reality that neither the Biden administration nor the European Union have addressed.

Although offering a path to a peaceful Palestinian state is crucial, such a path requires thought and elaboration. It should not be reduced to simplistic formulas, rigid concepts, or ultimatums.

The Palestinian leadership has rejected multiple peace offers due to threats from rejectionist groups such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and even sectors within the ruling Fatah itself. These groups, including Fatah’s Tanzim movement, launched the brutal Second Intifada (2000-2005). The Second Intifada threatened Israel’s security, and even then analysts and observers compared the violence to Israel’s Independence War as terror reached the most populated cities within Israel itself.

To restore the PA to complete control of Gaza, and even of the West Bank, Israel must first weaken Hamas militarily to a minimum. There cannot be a situation where Hamas controls the streets (as has continued in Northern Gaza where Israeli forces have recently withdrawn) or the government.  

In addition, the PA, under the leadership of Mahmoud Abbas and Fatah, does not possess legitimacy nor enough coercive power to rule over the territories, including those territories it now nominally controls in the West Bank. Fatah cannot fight terrorist cells in critical areas of the West Bank, let alone in Gaza.

The first step to restoring the legitimacy of the PA is by removing Abbas and his corrupted circle and enabling the rise of a new generation of responsible leadership capable of establishing a meaningful connection to Palestinian society, responding to the people’s basic needs, and leading them to an independent and peaceful state.

However, even such vital goals raise specific questions about the chances of success.

For example, who will remove Abbas and how? Does a new generation of well-meaning Palestinian leaders exist?  We can think about individuals like Salam Fayad, the former PA Prime Minister. But how would people like him rise to power when they do not enjoy any organized support? 

Most importantly, have the circumstances that led the Palestinian leadership to reject Israeli and American offers in the past changed? Would the Palestinians be willing to give up the “right of return,” or will they continue to pursue an absolute justice that inevitably would lead to chaos and permanent war?

The Biden administration is currently indirectly demanding that the Israeli government ignore those concerns as it wishes to see a quick solution to a deeply complex situation.

I do not pretend to provide excuses for Mr. Netanyahu. I, like many Israeli citizens, believe Netanyahu must leave office and call for new elections due to his failure to prevent the tragic and horrific events of October 7 and his ongoing corruption trial. Likewise, it is unlikely that Netanyahu’s narrow right-wing coalition, formed after the previous parliamentary elections, would even consider the idea of a viable Palestinian state. 

Yet, it is crucial to be honest about the facts. The Palestinian leadership under Fatah has not only rejected compromises in the past. It has also aggravated the anti-Zionist rhetoric by indoctrinating its youth and joining a vicious campaign of propaganda against Israel. Israel needs a better government, but the West Bank and Gaza need a radical change of regime and mindset.

Saudi Arabia may be right in demanding a solution to the Palestinian problem, but it must also step in by helping guide the Palestinians in the right direction. The Saudis should be involved in this critically required transformation as well. The current crisis is in part the result of decades of Arab incitement and genocidal discourse. Saudi Arabia could use its leverage over the Palestinian leadership, provided Hamas is out of the picture, by helping to rebuild Gaza and offering assurances that compromising with Israel is acceptable. Likewise, it is imperative to remove the “right of return” from the Saudi-drafted “Arab Peace Initiative” and persuade the Palestinians that such a demand is not feasible. 

The path to a peaceful solution rest on creativity, objectivity, and abstention from dogma. A mutual understanding to solve such a complex conflict requires— to paraphrase the late John Rawls—abdicating irreconcilable doctrines of “truth” and “right” and replacing them with what is politically reasonable. 

About Luis Fleischman

Luis Fleischman is a professor of Sociology at Palm Beach State College, the co-founder of the think-tank the Palm Beach Center for Democracy and Policy Research. He is also the author of “Latin America in the Post-Chavez Era: The Threat to U.S. Security,” and the author of the book, “The Middle East Riddle: The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Light of Political and Social Transformations in the Arab World,” to be published by New Academia.”