America Must Set Limits to its Goals in Ukraine 

By Luis Fleischman

During a speech in March in Warsaw, Poland, President Joe Biden gave us a clue about his policy toward Russia’s aggression against Ukraine stating, 

“We also faced fundamental questions about the commitment to the most basic principles. Would we stand up for the sovereignty of nations? Would we stand up for the right of people to live free from naked aggression? Would we stand up for democracy?” 

Biden responded that the answer to all three of these questions is “yes.”  

Biden’s critical point in his remarks is that the current conflict in Eastern Europe, is, not only about protecting Ukraine, but it is also a fight to strengthen democracy and weaken autocracy. In other words, paraphrasing Biden himself, this war is a fight for the soul of the world. 

Biden triumphantly stated that autocracies are in decline. In another speech delivered at the Summit for Democracy, he enumerated examples of the successful expansion of democracy, including in countries such as Croatia, the Dominican Republic, and Angola.  Russia’s defeat protects democracies.

The rise of illiberal democracies is worrisome, as we are currently witnessing in established democracies within the European Union, NATO, and U.S. allies. Israel is the latest example of government-initiated actions in the guise of reform threatening liberal rights and freedom in a democratic country. 

If we define the war in Ukraine as a battle for democracy, we assume that Russian power produces authoritarianism. Indeed, Russia encourages illiberal and authoritarian governments and certainly many illiberal democracies often turn to Russia or China asking for help to strengthen their regimes or even seeking alliances.   

Whereas And, although smaller authoritarian regimes tend to endure more easily if a superpower supports them, it does not necessarily mean they do not have autonomy or a dynamic of their own regardless of Russia or China’s support.  

For example, the oppressive regime in Venezuela preceded the rise of Putin. Countries such as Poland, where Biden delivered one of the speeches mentioned here, became illiberal despite its fear of Russia and its alliance with the United States and NATO. In countries such as Hungary, Turkey, India, and the Philippines, the weakening of liberal institutions such as the judiciary, opposition parties, and the media is apparent without much Russian involvement or influence.   

Indeed, the authoritarian trend is worrisome. In France, a NATO member, the far right received 41% of the vote. In Sweden, another key NATO ally and potential future member, the far-right Sweden Democrats won 17.5 % of the votes (the second largest force in parliament and one supporting the current government coalition).

Italy just elected a Prime Minister who is a nationalist, emphasizes national identity, rejects gender ideology, defends the Christian identity of Europe, and rejects immigration.  

The deterioration of democracy is a global dilemma affecting diverse countries worldwide. The war in Ukraine may affect alliances between far-right parties or leaders and Russia, as has already happened with Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni, who broke up with Putin to support Ukraine. Russia’s military defeats may weaken Putin’s image as a leader, but they are unlikely to stop democracy deterioration and the rise of illiberal political forces. 

For example, in the United States, the anti-institutional rhetoric and behavior of Donald Trump impacted the Republican Party with elected officials readily endorsing his illiberal attitudes. It was these same Republican members of Congress who denied the results of the 2020 presidential elections and attacked the judicial institutions that were adjudicating Trump’s claims, even using the House of Representatives to do so. In the State of Texas, the Governor intended to pardon a man charged by a jury with murder during a protest. The Governor accused the prosecutor of liberal bias and delegitimized the judicial process. Comfort with intolerance has reached a state level. 

If America cannot control its authoritarian forces, even Russia’s defeat in battle is unlikely to resolve the global spread of illiberalism.  

There are multiple reasons why extreme forces emerge, and liberal democracy declines. Most of them have to do with domestic challenges such as the unresponsiveness and corruption of the political class, economic globalization and technological changes that force people out of their jobs, a negative reaction to cultural challenges to traditional concepts of gender and sexuality, mass immigration that threatens national identities and established cultures, and domestic economic downturns. 

In times of crisis, people also readily turn to extremism and dismiss democracy as an element of secondary importance. Populist demagogues thrive on massive discontent, particularly when the political class has lost its standing.   All these situations bring about the rise of ideologies that contribute to extreme polarization.  

Returning to the war in Eastern Europe, helping protect Ukraine is a humane policy and the only appropriate reaction to Russian aggression. It also helps deter an autocratic and aggressive Russia and perhaps convince other leaders that Russia is not the great power it pretends to be.   

Russia has already been exposed as a weak power, and this is to President Biden’s credit. Russia’s request for military aid from a peripheral player such as Iran and North Korea, and Putin’s genuflect attitude towards China has confirmed Russia’s flaws.     

Unfortunately, neither a Russian defeat nor a Ukrainian victory guarantees the liberal order. 

Biden now has tremendous leverage over Volodymir Zelensky after he became the main engine behind massive military aid to Ukraine. While entirely correct in its position, Biden must use his influence to persuade Zelensky to reach an agreement with Russia. Zelensky is now unwilling to compromise, knowing the West has his back. However, continuing this war could lead to a dangerous, uncertain, and even catastrophic future.  

The Biden Administration should lower its standards and expectations. Containing Russia’s ambitious aggression is reasonable. Thinking that defeating Russia guarantees the cause of democracy and the liberal order, is overreaching and risky. 

Now is the time to push for a peace agreement. 

About Luis Fleischman

Luis Fleischman is a professor of Sociology at Palm Beach State College, the co-founder of the think-tank the Palm Beach Center for Democracy and Policy Research. He is also the author of “Latin America in the Post-Chavez Era: The Threat to U.S. Security,” and the author of the book, “The Middle East Riddle: The Arab-Israeli Conflict in Light of Political and Social Transformations in the Arab World,” to be published by New Academia.”